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    TIME AND SPACE IN CHINESE NARRATIVE PAINTINGS
     
    [ 作者: Pao-chen Chen   来自:期刊原文   已阅:6669   时间:2007-1-14   录入:douyuebo


    ·期刊原文
    TIME AND SPACE IN CHINESE NARRATIVE PAINTINGS OF HAN AND THE SIX DYNASTIESTIME AND SPACE IN CHINESE NARRATIVE PAINTINGS OF HAN AND THE SIX DYNASTIES

    Pao-chen Chen


    Time and Space in Chinese Culture


    1995, pp. 239-285

     

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                                 p. 239

                          INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

                The rise of Chinese narrative  painting  began in
            the Han dynasty (207 B.C.-A.D. 220).  Famous examples
            include  two murals from Tomb No.  61 in Lo-yang 锭
            (datable   to  48-7  B.C.),  one  mural  from  a  Han
            official's tomb in Ho-lin-ko-erh ㎝狶焊 (datable to
            A.D.  160s-170s), and many stone engravings  from the
            Wu Liang Shrine 猌辩 in Shantung (dated A.D.  151).
            In   these   paintings,   the   representations    of
            characters, plots, and settings  are simple;  figures
            are  almost  always  shown  acting  against  a  blank
            background  in  a  limited  number  of  scenes;   the
            temporal progression  is unclear;  and the definition
            of space is ambiguous.

                In sharp contrast, the narrative paintings of the
            Six Dynasties demonstrate dramatic changes.  The best
            examples are the Buddhist narrative paintings  in the
            Tun-huang caves.  As we shall see, in those paintings
            the   representations   of   characters,  plots,  and
            settings   are   much   more   complicated,  and  the
            definitions  of time  and space  become  increasingly
            clearer and more specific than those found in the Han
            paintings.

                In this paper, I attempt to characterize  various
            devices for the representations  of time and space in
            narrative  paintings from Han to the Six Dynasties in
            the light of their varied cultural backgrounds.


                Owing  to a limit  in space  provided  here, this
            paper  will  not  include  two  important   narrative
            handscrolls  attributed  to  Ku  K'ai-   chih  臮穇ぇ
            (345-406): Admonitions  of the  Instructress  to  the
            Court  Ladies  (Nu-shih  chen  t'u 絜瓜 ) and The
            Goddess  of the Lo River (Lo-shen  fu t'u 结瓜 ).
            For a detailed  discussion  on the problems  of these
            two scrolls, please see my dissertation, "The Goddess
            of the Lo River: A Study  of Early Chinese  Narrative
            Handscrolls,  "    Ph.D.    dissertation,   Princeton
            University, 1987, chapter  2, pp.  53-109.  The  main
            idea of the present  paper, however, is derived  from
            that   of  chapter   three   (pp.   110-189)   of  my
            dissertation just mentioned.

                                   p. 240

                Here I wish to express my appreciation to Richard
            K. Kent for his kindness in editing my manuscript and
            to Mr.  Pai  Shih-ming  フ続皇 for  his  patience  in
            helping me to prepare the drawings for illustrations.

                    NARRATIVE PAINTINGS OF THE HAN PERIOD

                Han narrative  paintings  are naive  in narrative
            technique, ambiguous  in  temporal  progression,  and
            simple  in spatial  representation.  According  to my
            observations    on   archaeological    finds,   their
            compositions   are   of  three   types:  simultaneous
            (T'ung-fa   shih  kou-t'u  祇┪篶瓜  ),  monoscenic
            (Tan-ching  shih kou-t'u 虫春Α篶瓜 ), and continuous
            (Lien-hsu  shih  kou-t'u  硈尿Α篶瓜  ).  No evidence
            shows that these three types  of composition  evolved
            in sequence.  Instead, they  developed  independently
            and show their  own limits  in representing  time and
            space for a narrative. A detailed discussion follows.

                Simultaneous composition

                A simultaneous composition pictorially summarizes
            a story into one scene, in which figures  appear only
            once;  their actions and attributes  indicate various
            incidents  that occur  in different  time periods.(1)
            The best example is Ching K Assassinating the King of
            Ch 'in  (Ching  K'o  tz'u  Ch 'in-wang  禷  )
            engraved  on a stone slab in the Wu Liang Shrine (pl.
            1).(2)

                This narrative  is based on Ching K'o's biography
            recorded  in The Historical  Records  (Shih-chi  癘
            ).(3) According to the text, Ching K'o (d.  227 B.C.)
            was a guest of Prince Tan (d. 225 B.C.) of Yen in the
            Hopei area, which was seriously threatened  by Ch'in,
            a powerful tyranny in Shensi. In 227 B.C. Fan Yu-ch'i
            荚ㄤ (d.  227 B.C.), a Ch'in  general, fled his own
            country and sought

            ----------------------
            1. For  more  about  its  definition  and  pictorial
               examples, see  Kurt  Weitzmann,  Illustrations  in
               Roll  and  Codex, A Study of the Origin and Method
               of  Text  Illustration  (Princeton,  New  Jersey:
               Princeton University  Press, 1970), pp. 13-14.

            2. There  is  a second stone relief showing the same
               story  also  found in the Wu Liang Shrine; and a
               third one with a similar composition is found in
               Szechwan.

            3. Ssu-ma Ch'ien,  Shih-chi, Po-na-pen erh-shih-ssu-
               shih  κ釉セ, vol. 2, ch. 86, pp. 915-24.

                                    p. 241

            political refuge in Yen. To punish the Yen state, the
            Ch'in tyrant, Cheng  現 (r.246-210  B.C.), who was to
            become  the  First  Emperor  of  the  Ch'in  dynasty,
            demanded  that both the general's  head  and a map of
            the Tu 常 and K'ang ぎ areas of Yen territory be sent
            to him.  To save the prince from trouble, General Fan
            agreed  to offer  up his life  and  head.  Ching  K'o
            volunteered   to  deliver  the  general's  head,  the
            required  map, and to assassinate  the tyrant  at the
            same time.  What happened next is represented  in the
            following picture.

                Accompanied  by  Ch'in  Wu-yang  籖锭  (d.  227
            B.C.), who carried General Fan's head in a box, Ching
            K'o brought  the rolled  up map into the Ch'in court,
            which is suggested  by a column  in the center of the
            composition.  Inside  the roll, he hid a dagger  with
            which he hoped to fulfil  his mission.  But Ching K'o
            never got the chance, because  the tyrant was alerted
            when he noticed Ch'in Wu-yang shaking nervously as he
            presented  the box  containing  General  Fan's  head.
            After the Ch'in ruler had examined the head, which is
            seen in an open box on the ground to the right of the
            column, Ching E;'o began to unroll  the map.  As soon
            as had he reached  the hidden  dagger  he seized  the
            tyrant's sleeve.  The tyrant thereupon  leaped to his
            feet, fleeing  so desperately  that  he left in Ching
            K'o's   grasp  part  of  a  torn  sleeve,  which   is
            represented floating in the space near the column. In
            his great  panic, the tyrant  forgot  how to unshield
            his long sword to defend himself;  instead, he ran in
            circles  around  a post and Ching K'o chased  behind.
            Everybody  was astounded: Ch'in Wu-yang was so scared
            that he prostrated himself on the floor shivering, as
            seen in the space  to the upper  right of the column;
            while the tyrant's guards, forbidden an access to the
            ruler without his command, stood helplessly  in their
            usual array along two palace hallways. Finally, after
            being reminded  by a guard, the tyrant pulled out his
            sword properly, which is seen in the upper  left side
            of the column. At the same time, Ching K'o was pulled
            away by a guard, as shown in the upper  right side of
            the column.  There  when  realizing  his mission  was
            going  to fail, the hero is overwhelmed  by fury: his
            hair stands  up, his mouth  opens widely, he leaps up
            into the air, and he uses all his energy  to hurl his
            dagger, which  unfortunately  misses  its target  and
            penetrates  the column, as seen in the center  of the
            composition. The assassination thus failed, and Ching
            K'o was killed.

                In a simultaneous composition, this Ching K'o
            picture shows

                                 p. 242

            only   the  climax   of  the  story.   The   temporal
            progression  is  represented  in  five  stages,  each
            suggested   by  one   object   or  one   figure.   In
            chronological order, they develop from bottom to top,
            then from left to right, and terminate in the middle,
            as we have  seen.  All the  figures  and objects  are
            shown in silhouette  against  a blank background.  No
            spatial  depth  is represented.  Once  this narrative
            method  and iconography  had been  established,(4) it
            became  a pictorial  convention  and spread as far as
            the  Szechwan  area.(5)  But, lacking  a decipherable
            temporal progression, a narrative con-

            ----------------------------
            4. Whether the iconography of Ching K'o in the Wu
               Liang  Shrine  was an original  design  by a local
               artist  at  Chia-hsiang  古不, or whether  it  was
               based  on an established  model  remains  unclear.
               According  to  Hsing  I-t'ien  ǚ竡バ, there  were
               iconographical   models   (t'u-p"u   瓜眯   )  and
               copybooks  (fen-pen セ ) for figure paintings in
               the Eastern Han period.  There were iconographical
               models   for   depicting   Confucius'    disciples
               (Kung-tzu  t'u-jen  fa ふ畕猭 ), and those for
               depicting   virtuous  women  and  filial  sons  in
               history (lieh-nu chuan 肚, hsiao-tzu  chuan У
               肚 ) which were designed by Liu Hsiang 糂. For
               references, see Hsing I- t'ien, "Han-tai pi-hua te
               fa-chan han pi-hua mu 簙纠礶祇甶㎝纠礶褂  (The
               develop ment of wall paintings and mural-decorated
               tombs in the Han period), The Bulletin  of History
               and Philology, Academia Sinica (March, 1986), vol.
               57, pt.  1.  pp.  156-  59, see also  his article,
               "Han-tai Kung-tzu chien Lao-tzu te kou-ch'eng  chi
               ch'i tsai she- hui ssu-hsiang shih shang te i-i 簙
               ふǎρ篶Θのㄤ穦 稱種竡 (The
               Han  representations  of 'Confucius  meeting  with
               Lao-tzu'  and its significance  in the social  and
               intellectual  history)," unpublished paper (1990),
               pp. 9, 42-47.

               5. This compositional formula apparently was used
               throughout  much  of the  empire  during  the  Han
               dynasty. In the Wu Family Shrine there is a second
               stone relief with a similar  composition  although
               the   locations   of  the  figures   are  slightly
               modified: Ching K'o is shifted from right to left,
               Ch'in  Shih-huang, from  left  to right, and Ch'in
               Wu-yang's  prostration  at the  top has  become  a
               recumbent  position in the lower right corner.  In
               the   third   example   found   in  Szechwan   the
               composition  remains  similar  to the one that  we
               have just discussed  here, but the iconography  is
               different.  The Szechwan  picture  focuses  on the
               dynamic  movements  of Ching  K'o  and  the  Ch'in
               tyrant on both sides of a central post;  and Ch'in
               Wu-  yang's prostration  before General Fan's head
               is again  moved to the lower  right corner  of the
               scene;  in addition  to this, two guards  are seen
               running  away toward  the left end of the picture.
               For  these  two  plates,  see  Edouard  Chavannes,
               Mission Archiologique dans la Chine Septentrionale
               (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1909), planches, No.
               123;  Richard C.  Rudolph and Wen Yu, Han Tomb Art
               of        West-China--         A        Collection
               o/First-and-second-century  Reliefs (Berkeley  and
               Los  Angeles:  University  of  California   Press,
               1951), pls. 15-16; Wen Yu 籇, Ssu-ch'uan Han tai
               hua-hsiang   shih  hsuan   chi  簙礶钩ホ匡栋
               (Selections  of stone and brick engravings  of the
               Han  period  as  found  in  Szechwan)   (Shanghai:
               Chun-lien  ch'u-pan-che, 1955), pl.  55.  For more
               information  about  the Wu Liang  Shrine, see Jung
               Keng 甧┌, Han Wu Liang tz'u hua-hsiang  lu 簙猌辩
               礶禜魁 (Catalogue  of stone engravings in the Wu
               Liang Shrine of the Han period) (Peking: Yen-ching
               University,  1936),  2  vols;   see   also   Wilma
               Fairbank,      Adventures       in      Retrieval,
               Harvard-Yenching  Institute  Series 28 (Cambridge,
               Massachusetts: Harvard  University  Press,  1972),
               chapter  2, pp 41-86.  See  also  Wu Hung, The  Wu
               Liang shrine--the Ideology of Early Chinese Picto-
               rial    Art    (Stanford,   California:   Stanford
               University Press, 1989).

                                      p. 243

            veyed by a simultaneous  composition like this one is
            hard to read, unless  the viewer  already  knows  the
            story.  Other  Han  artists, wishing  to create  more
            specific  temporal and spatial backgrounds  for their
            narratives,  turned  to  monoscenic   and  continuous
            compositions.

            Monoscenic composition

                A   monoscenic    composition    shows    certain
            characters'   actions  in  a  frozen  moment.(6)  The
            Banquet  at Hung-men  (Hung-men-yen  翬産 ) in Tomb
            no.  61 at Lo-yang, datable to 48-7 B.C., reveals the
            Han  artist's  familiarity  with  this  compositional
            technique (pl.  2).(7) A well-known story recorded in
            the  Shih-chi, it tells  how Hsiang  Yu 兜π (232-202
            B.C.)  plotted  but  failed  to kill  Liu  Pang  糂ü
            (247-195  B.C.) during a banquet  at Hung-men  in 206
            B.C.; the two were military rivals who were competing
            for the throne upon the downfall of the Ch'in empire.
            Liu Pang, less powerful  yet faster  than Hsiang  Yu,
            had already occupied the Ch'in capital, Hsien-yang 玾
            锭 (near modern Hsi-an ﹁ ), when Hsiang Yu and his
            army arrived at nearby Hung-men.  Hsiang encamped his
            army  at Hung-men, and invited  Liu Pang to a banquet
            in his camp, where  Liu's murder  was planned  by Fan
            Chen   璖糤   (d.   204   B.C.),  Hsiang's   military
            consultant.  In  deference  to  Hsiang's  threatening
            power,  Liu  Pang  came  to  the  banquet   with  his
            assistants, including Chang Liang 眎▆ (d.  189 B.C.)
            and Fan K'uei 荚镈. During the banquet, Hsiang Chuang
            兜缠 was ordered to demonstrate a sword dance, during
            which  he  was  to  kill  Liu  Pang  purportedly   by
            accident.  But Hsiang Chuang failed to carry out this
            stratagem, because Hsiang Po 兜 purposely  used his
            own body to protect

            ----------------------
            6. Sometimes a narrative cycle is represented with
               numerous    single    scenes,   called   "multiple
               monoscenic/episodic    composition."    For   more
               discussion  of this  problem, see Kurt  Weitzmann,
               Illustrations  in Roll  and Codex, A study  of the
               Origin and Method of Text Illustration, pp. 14-17.
               This  compositional  device  was  widely  used  in
               narrative handscrolls.  The best and early example
               is  the  Admonitions   scroll  attributed   to  Ku
               K'ai-chih.   For   a  reference   to   a  detailed
               discussion  of  the  scroll, see  my  introductory
               remarks of this paper.

            7. Kuo Mo-jo, "Lo-yang Han mu pi-hua shih t'an 锭簙
               褂纠礶刚贝  (A preliminary  study  of the Han wall
               paintings from Lo-yang)," K'ao-ku hsueh-pao σ厩
               厨 2 (1964), pp.  107-125.  Yu  Ying-shih  璣,
               however, does  not agree  that the scene  is about
               the "Banquet  at Hung-men": see his article  "Shuo
               Hung-men  yen te tso-tz'u  弧翬産ГΩ  (On the
               seats  in  the  Banquet   at  Hung-men)"   in  his
               Shih-hsueh     yu     ch'uan-t'ung      厩籔肚参
               (Historiography and tradition) in Shih-pao shu-hsu
               厨,  vol.  336  (Taipei:  Shih-pao  ch'u-pan
               shih-yen kung-ssu, 1982), pp. 184-95.

                                   p. 244

            Liu Pang throughout  the dance.  Eventually  Liu Pang
            returned  safely  to  his  own  base, all  the  while
            protected by his assistants.(8)

                This  story   is  illustrated   in  a  monoscenic
            composition  on a trapezoidal  lintel under the gable
            of the central  partition  of Tomb No, 61, Conflating
            the banquet participants'  different  actions  into a
            single  moment,  the  picture  shows  two  groups  of
            figures  on both sides  of a bear-like  tomb guardian
            (fang-hsiang よ / ch'iang-liang 臼▆ ). The mood or
            atmosphere  conveyed  by the two  groups  is markedly
            different,  The  right   groups   shows   two   cooks
            barbecuing  at the  fire, and  Hsiang  Yu  holding  a
            horn-shaped   wine-jar  toasting  Liu  Pang,  who  is
            protected  by Hsiang  Po on his left, The  atmosphere
            looks  cozy,  relaxed,  and  cheerful,  In  contrast,
            tension, anxiety, and danger fill the air of the left
            section, containing Chang Liang, Fan Chen, and Hsiang
            Chuang.   Chang   Liang,  noted   for   his   elegant
            appearance, stands to the left of Fan Chen;  both are
            portrayed  with  stony  facial  expressions  and have
            stiff  poses.  General  Hsiang  Chuang, on the  other
            hand, looks  agitated;  his eyes are depicted  opened
            widely, and his hand holds  a sword  pointing  toward
            Liu  Pang  in  the  distance.  There  is no  temporal
            progression between the right and left sections, Thus
            the painting  may be regarded  as a dramatization  of
            the main participants'  actions  at one frozen moment
            during  Hsiang  Chuang's  sword  performance.  To the
            artist, this  is the  most  critical  moment  of  the
            party; and he bases his imaginative representation of
            this moment on his thorough knowledge of the text.

            Continuous composition

                A  continuous  composition  depicts  a  narrative
            cycle in consecutive scenes, which are woven into one
            organic  entity  with a clear sense of continuity  in
            time and space.  Temporal progression is indicated by
            the  recurrence  of  certain  figures,  sometimes  in
            different   settings,  sometimes   against  the  same
            background.  Through such a compositional device, the
            continuous  pictorial  flow  of  a narrative  can  be
            represented more articulately. Han artists used it in
            at  least  two  murals:  Two  Peaches  Killing  Three
            Warriors  (Erh  t'ao sha san shih 炳  ), also
            found  in  Tomb  No.  61  at  Lo-yang  (pl.  3);  and
            Processions   of  a  Han  Official   in  a  tomb   at
            Ho-lin-ko-erh, datable to A.D. 160s-170s (pl. 4).

                Recorded in The Spring and Autumn of Master Yen
            (Yen-tzu ch'un-
            ----------------------
            8. Ssu-ma Ch'ien, "Hsiang Yu pen-chi 兜πセ (The
               biography of Hsiang Yu)," Shih-chi, Po-na-pe erh-
               shih-ssu-shih, vol.I, pp.138-55.

                                     p. 245

            ch'iu  琄  ), the  Two  Peaches  Killing  Three
            Warriors represents the story of how Yen-tzu  (d.
            500 B.C.), the Prime minister  of Ch'i 霍 , hatched a
            clever  plot  to kill the three  most powerful  state
            warriors, Kung-sun Chieh そ甝钡, T'ien K'ai-chiang バ
            秨臼 and  Ku Yeh-tzu  , by using  two  peaches.
            Robust  and muscular, these  three warriors  once had
            offended the Prime Minister noted for his small size.
            Long   harboring   his  anger   and  hatred,  Yen-tzu
            persuaded Duke Ching of Ch'i 霍春そ (547-489 B.C.) to
            kill them for their arrogance  by having  two peaches
            sent   to  honor   whichever   two  of  the  warriors
            considered   themselves   bravest  among  the  three.
            Kung-sun  Chieh and T'ien K'ai-chiang, thinking  they
            each deserved  a peach, both rushed forward  to claim
            one.  But Ku Yeh-  tzu condemned  their shamelessness
            and  boasted  of  his  own  incomparable   record  of
            bravery.  On hearing  this, both Kung-sun  Chieh  and
            T'ie  K'ai-chiang  were so ashamed  that they  killed
            themselves  by their own swords.  Beholding  this, Ku
            Yeh-tzu  was so wracked  with guilt for having caused
            his comrades' suicide that he too killed himself.

                This story  is represented  in three  consecutive
            sections from left to right on the back of the lintel
            where  the Banquet  at Hung-men  is shown.  The  left
            section  alludes  to  the  episode  of  the  warriors
            humiliating the Prime minister.  Here Yen-tzu appears
            dwarfed  small  as a child, and  is  flanked  by  two
            strong men talking to him.(9)  In the middle section,
            the diminutive  Yen-tzu  reappears;  here he is shown
            revealing  his plot to Duke Ching, who is accompanied
            by   two   senior   officials   identified   by   the
            "pigeon-headed  staffs  (chiu chang 恭 )" that they
            hold.  The right section shows the disastrous  ending
            of the story, including  the marquis'  messenger, who
            holds a tasseled  stick in his hand, two peaches on a
            plate  on a table, and  three  warriors  in  dramatic
            poses.  The warrior on the left steps forward to take
            a peach for himself, while the two others hold swords
            horizontally  to  their  throats, preparing  to  kill
            themselves.
            ------------------------------
            9. There are different interpretations to this scene.
               Hsing I-t'ien takes it as Confucius  Meeting  with
               Lao-tzu, see his article.  "Han-tai Kung-tzu chien
               Lao-tzu  te kou-ch  'eng  chi  ch 'i tsai  she-hui
               ssu-hsiang shih shang te i-i," (op. cit.), P.  12.
               Jonathan   Chaves   reads   it  as  Chou-kung   fu
               Ch'eng-wang  ㏄そ徊Θ (Duke Chou assisting  King
               Ch'eng), and regards this section as irrelevant to
               the  other  two  on  its  right, as  seen  in  his
               article.  "A Han Painted Tomb at Lo-yang," Artibus
               Asiae 30 (1968), pp. 5-27. Kuo Mo-jo regards it as
               part  of the Yen-tzu  narrative.  see his article,
               "Lo-yang Han mu pi-hua shih t'an," (op. cit.), pp.
               1-2.  The iconographic consistency between the two
               short  figures  that appear  in this  section  and
               reappear  in the one  on its right  satisfactorily
               convinces   me  that   this  section   should   be
               considered as part of the story.

                                    p. 246

            All on the same  register, these  figures  stand  out
            against a blank background. Neither spatial depth nor
            three-dimendionality  of the figures  is represented.
            Narrative  continuity  relies on the reappearance  of
            the same figures in consecutive scenes.

                An identical compositional  device is seen in the
            mural  of Processions  of a Han Official, found  in a
            Han tomb at Ho-lin-ko-erh (pl. 4). Covering the upper
            walls  above  four vaulted  doors  in the front  tomb
            chamber  facing east, the mural shows six processions
            of  an  anonymous  Han  official.  These  processions
            illustrate important events in his career, which must
            have been recorded  in his epitaph  that is no longer
            extant.  They  can  be  grouped  into  two  units  in
            chronological sequence.  The first unit includes five
            processions  going counterclockwise, starting  in the
            west, passing through  the south, and terminating  in
            the middle of the east wall, One after another, these
            processions   are  identified   by  five  cartouches,
            reading  "Elected  Filial and Incorruptible  Official
            (Chu-hsiao-lien  羭У稧 )," "Imperial  Guard (Lang 
            )," "The Governor of Hsi-ho (Hsi-ho ch'ang-shih  ﹁猠
             )" (all on the west  wall), "Acting  General  of
            the Major County of a Subject State (Hsing shang-chun
            shu-kuo tu-wei ︽皃妮瓣常盠 )" (on the south wall),
            and "The Governor  of Fan-yang (Fan-yang  ling 羉锭
            )" (on the south  end of the east wall).  Present  in
            each procession, the official reappears five times in
            this unit.

                The  second   unit   comprises   only   one  long
            procession, also running  counterclockwise, from  the
            middle  of the east  wall, over  the north  wall, and
            terminating  at the north end of the west wall, where
            it meets  the  beginning  of the first  unit, In this
            unit, the official appears only once in a horse-drawn
            carriage, which is specified by a cartouche  reading,
            "Conferred  by  Imperial  Edict  to be  the  Military
            Supervisor  at  Wu-huan  (Shih  ch'ih  chieh  Wu-huan
            hsiao- wei ㄏ竊疩盠 )," located on the west end
            of  the  north   wall,  His   subordinate   officials
            preceding him are identified by the carrtouches: "The
            Governor of Yen-men (Yen-men ch'ang-shih 董 ),"
            "Milirary  Supervisor  of?? (?-? hsiao-wei?? 盠 ),"
            (both   on  the  east  wall),  "Attendant   to  Merit
            Evaluator (Kang-ch'ao  ts'ung-  shih 变眖ㄆ )," and
            "Member of the Mounted Escort (Pieh-chia  ts'ung-shih
            緍眖ㄆ ) " (both on the north wall).(10)

            ----------------------
            10. For an English reference to this tomb, see Annel-
                iese Gutkind Bulling, "The Eastern Han Tomb at Ho-
                lin-ko-erh (Holingol)," Archives of Asian Art 31
                (1977- 78). pp. 79-103.

                                    p. 247

                Compared  with  other  Han  narrative  paintings,
            noted for their simple narrative  content and compact
            composition, this Ho-lin-  ko-erh mural stands out as
            unusual  because  it is characterized  by complicated
            figure  groupings  and a large  composition.  Such  a
            lengthy  pictorial  record  of a deceased  official's
            life  betrays  its  adoption  of  Buddhist  narrative
            devices used in illustrations of jatakas and the life
            of  the  Buddha.  It  is highly  probable  that  such
            illustrations   would   have   been   known   to  the
            Ho-lin-ko-erh   artist(s),  since  Buddhist   subject
            matter has often been found represented  in different
            media from around this period in China.(11)

                Development  of  Narrative  Paintings  in the Six
            Dynasties

                The  appearance   and  circulation   of  Buddhist
            narrative  paintings  had  a  profound  influence  on
            Chinese artists of the Six Dynasties period.  As seen
            in  the  Tun-huang  wall  paintings  of this  period.
            Buddhist  narrative   paintings  exerted  a  powerful
            influence  on the  development  of Chinese  narrative
            techniques and figural representations. Thematically,
            Tun-huang Buddhist narrative paintings of this period
            can be grouped  into three  major  categories: 1) the
            life  of  the  Buddha  (Fo-chuan   t'u  ︱肚瓜  ),  a
            pictorial  biography  of Prince  Siddhartha  from his
            birth to his attainment of Buddhahood; 2) the jatakas
            (pen-sheng   t'an  セネ糜  ),  stories  of  Sakyamuni
            Buddha's    self-sacrifices     in    his    previous
            incarnations; and 3) the avadanas (p'i-yu p'in 拇畴珇
            ), the conversion stories of Buddhist

            ----------------------
            11. This assumption is strongly supported by a picture
               showing  an immortal  on a white  elephant, on the
               upper  right  of  the  west  wall  of the  central
               chamber  of the Ho-lin-ko-erh  tomb.  This  figure
               clearly represents the artist's transformation  of
               a Buddhist  icon into a Chinese Taoist image.  For
               the   plate,   see   Nei   Meng-ku   tzu-chih-ch'u
               po-wu-kuan  wen-wu kung-tso tui ず籜獀跋痴繻
               ゅ钉 ed., Ho-  lin-ko-erh Han mu Pi-hua ㎝狶
               焊簙褂纠礶  (Wall paintings  in a Han tomb found
               at  Ho-lin-ko-erh)  (Peking: Wen-wu  ch'u-pan-she,
               1978),  fig.   40,  p.26;   Yu  Wei-ch'ao  玕岸禬,
               "Tung-han Fo-chiao t'u-hsiang  k'ao 狥簙︱毙瓜钩σ
               (Examination on the Buddhist images in the Eastern
               Han period)," Wen-wu 5 (1980), pp.  68-77.  At the
               end of the Han period, Buddhist  icons  were, more
               often  than not, represented  in different  media,
               such as stone  relief  in Szechwan  tomb chambers,
               and bronze  mirrors  found  at Shao-hsing  残砍 in
               Che-kiang.  For references, see Wu Hung, "Buddhist
               Elements  in  Early  Chinese  Art," Artibus  Asiae
               (1986), vol.  47, pp. 263-376; Mizuno Seiichi 偿
               睲 and Nagahiro  Toshio  約庇动, "Unko izen no
               zozo 冻盺玡荱硑钩 (Buddhist  images prior to the
               Yun-kang   caves,  in  Unko   sekikutsu   冻盺ホ竇
               (Yun-kang, the Buddhist  cave-temple  of the fifth
               century  A.D.  in north China)  (Kyoto: Jimbungaku
               Kenkyujo, Kyoto University, 1953), vol. 11, Pl. 2.
               pp. 1-18.
                                                                    
                                     p. 248

            disciples.(12)  Most  of the narrative  paintings  of
            this   period    are   represented    in   continuous
            compositions,  in  which   characters   reappear   in
            different scenes on different occasions, According to
            my observations, Chinese  artists  by  the  mid-sixth
            century had experimented  with at least four types of
            continuous compositions: 1) different actions sharing
            a common background (I-shih t'ung- ching-shih kou-t'u
            钵春Α篶瓜   );   2)  continuous   narration   in
            serpentine   layout   (I   shih-chien   shun-hsu   te
            ch'u-che-shih  kou-t'u ㄌ丁抖ΡчΑ篶瓜  );  3)
            achronological  narration  in a lateral  layout (Pu i
            shih-chien shun-hsu te heng-hsiang-shih  kou-t'u ぃㄌ
            丁抖绢Α篶瓜   );    and   4)   chronological
            narration in a lateral layout (I shih-chien  shun-hsu
            te heng-hsiang shih kou-t'u ㄌ丁抖绢Α篶瓜 ).
            Representative examples and detailed discussions will
            be given in the following.

            Different actions sharing a common background

                In a composition  of different  actions sharing a
            common background, figures  and their activities  are
            usually represented at a

            ----------------------
            12. For general references to the narrative paintings
                in  the Tun-huang cavetemples, see Shiao-yen Shih,
                "Readings and Re-readings of Narrative in Dunhuang
               Murals," Artibus  Asiae  vol.  53 1/2  (1993), pp.
               59-88;  Kojima Tomoko 畄祅璟, "Tonko hekiga no
               okeru  no  Hokushu,  Suidai  no  sangaku  hyogen--
               setsuwa hyogen to no kanren o megutte-- 窗纷纠礶荝
               起器莚㏄鼎荱┄瞷弧杠瞷荗荱闽硈莥莌砌荍
               荕 (Hills  in  the  Northern  Chou  and  Sui  Wall
               Paintings  at  Tun-huang--Their  Relation  to  the
               Narrative  Representation)",  Bijutsushi  vol.  41
               (February   1992),  pp.   16-30;   Tonko  bunbutsu
               kenkyujo 窗纷ゅ╯┮ ed., Tonko Bakukokutsu  窗
               纷馋蔼竇  (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1980-1982), 5 vols.;
               Kaneoka   Shoko   酚,   "Tonko   bunken   no
               honshotan--hekiga to kanren shite 窗纷ゅ膍荱セネ糜
               --   纠礶荱闽硈讫荕   (Jataka   in  the  Tun-huang
               manuscripts   and  the  wall   paintings   in  the
               Tun-huang  caves)," Toyogaku  ronso 狥瑅厩阶翺, 35
               (March, 1982), pp. 34-61; Donohashi Akiho κ爵罦
               "Tonko hekiga ni okeru honshozu no tenkai 窗纷纠礶
               荝起器莚セネ瓜荱甶秨  (Narrative  development   in
               Tun-huang  jataka painting), "Bijutsushi  砃 1
               (1978), pp.  18-43;  Akiyama  Terukatsu  ㎝,
               "Tonko hekiga, Bukkyo setsuwa zu 窗纷纠礶 ︱毙弧
               杠瓜  (Buddhist  narratives   in  Tun-huang   wall
               paintings)," Nihon  Sankei  Shinbun  らセ玻竒穝籇,
               May  21,  1971;   Sawa  Ryuken   ︴㎝订,  "Tonko
               sekikutsu no hekiga 窗纷ホ竇荱纠礶 (Wall paintings
               in  Tun-huang  cave-temples), "  in  Seiiki  Bunka
               Kenkyu ﹁办ゅて╯ (Studies  of Chinese-Turkestan
               culture)  (Tokyo:  Hozokan,  1962),  vol.   5,  pp
               177-178;  Tonko no Bukkyo  bijutsu  窗纷荱︱毙砃
               (special  issue  on the Buddhist  art in Tun-huang
               cave-temples), in Bukkyo  geijutsu  ︱毙美砃  (Ars
               Buddhica),  no.   34  (1958);   Tun-huang   wen-wu
               chan-lan chuan-chi 窗纷ゅ甶凝盡胯 (Special issue
               on  the  exhibition  of  the  arts  from  Tunhuang
               cave-temples), in Wen-wu ts'an-k'ao  tzu-liao ゅ
               把σ戈 (1951), vol.  2, nos.  4-5; and Matsumoto
               Eiichi 猀セ篴. Tonkoga no kenkyu 窗纷礶荱╯ (A
               study  of the Tun-huang  wall  paintings)  (Tokyo:
               Toho Bunka Gakuin, 1935), 2 vols.

                                   p. 249

            small   scale  in  sequential   order   against   one
            background,  which   can   be  a  landscape   or   an
            architectural  setting.  This type of composition  is
            exemplified  by The Jataka  of King Sibi in Cave 254,
            datable  to the Northern  Wei period  肣 (386--534)
            (pl.   5),  Based   on  the   Hsien-yu-ching   藉稭竒
            translated  by Hui-chueh 紌谋 of the same period, the
            painting  depicts King Sibi sacrificing  his own body
            to save a pigeon  from  a starving  hawk;  in reality
            both   birds   were   deities   testing   the  king's
            compassion.(13)


                In the center  of a square  wall panel, King Sibi
            is shown seated on a bench.  A white hawk swoops down
            from the upper  corner  to chase a blue pigeon, which
            perches  on the king's  right  hand  for  refuge.  To
            rescue  the pigeon, according  to the text, the  king
            promised  to pay the hawk  a ransom  of his own flesh
            equalling the weight of the pigeon.  Under the king's
            command, an attendant  was told to remove  the amount
            of the king's flesh needed to balance the pigeon on a
            scale,  as  shown   at  the   lower   right   of  the
            composition,  Yet  due  to  magic,  the  pigeon  grew
            heavier  and heavier;  even all the kings flesh could
            not equal the weight of the small bird.  Finally, the
            fleshless  king added  his own skeleton  and balanced
            the scale, as seen in the lower right corner  of this
            painting.    Only    then    did    he    pass    the
            hea\;enly-arranged  test and satisfy his judges;  his
            lost  flesh  was  returned, and as a reward  for  his
            compassion, he was made even stronger than before. In
            spite  of the fact that the composition  is dominated
            by the king  and his family  in a hieratic  grouping,
            the temporal  progression  of this  narrative  can be
            seen by reading the images arranged consecutively  in
            the right half of the picture.'"  Centuries  later we
            also find this composi-

            ----------------------
            13. For the Chinese text of the narrative, see Liu
                Hsiu-ch'iao 糂爵 ed.,  Ta- tsang-ching 旅竒
                (Buddhist Tripitaka-representation of the Taisho
               shinshu   Daizokyo   タ穝旅竒,  co-ed.,   by
               Takukusu  Junjiro 蔼罚抖Ω and Watanabe Kaikyoku
               寸娩Π,   1872-1933)    (Taipei:   Hsin-wen-feng
               ch'u-pan-she, 1974), vol. 4, pp. 351-352. For more
               textual  references  to  the  Buddhist  narratives
               among the Tun-huang wall paintings of this period,
               see Takada  Osamu 蔼バ, "Bukkyo  sets-uwa  zu to
               Tonko hekiga--toku ni Tonko senki no honen setsuwa
               zu ︱毙弧杠瓜荗窗纷纠礶 --  疭荝窗纷戳荱セ絫弧杠
               瓜 (Buddhist  jataka  paintings  and the Tun-huang
               wall paintings-especially  the jataka paintings in
               the early caves)," in Tonko bunbutsu kenkyujo ed.,
               Tonko Bakukokutsu (op. cit.), vol. 2, p. 229.

            14. The Sibi Jataka was a favorite theme for pictorial
                representations  in India and Central  Asia;  for
                references, see  Matsumoto  Eiichi, Tonko  ga  no
                kakyu top cit.), pp. 282-286. In addition to this
                one, there are at least  two other wall paintings
                that depict this story at Tun-huang, in Cave 275,
                datable  to ca.  420, and in Cave  302, which  is
                datable   to  the  Sui  period  (581-618);   both
                paintings are con-

                                    p. 250

            tional  device  employed  in  a  Japanese   narrative
            painting, showing  Nun  Myoren  at  Todai-ji  in  the
            Shigisan  engi emaki  獺禥絫癬酶, datable  to the
            twelfth century.

            Chronological narration in a serpentine layout

                In a composition with chronological  narration in
            a serpentine  layout, narrative  scenes  are squeezed
            closely  together  in a wavy sequence, which  is best
            exemplified   by  The  Jataka  of  Prince  Mahasattva
            (Mo-k'o-sa-t'o t'ai-tzu pen-sheng 集禙履卅びセネ ),
            also in Cave 254 (pl. 6). This jataka is based on the
            Fo-shuo  p'u-sa  t'ou  shen i o hu ch'i  t'a yin-yuan
            ching    ︱弧敌履щō箏緅癬娥絫竒,   which    was
            translated  into  Chinese  by  Fa-sheng  猭脖 of  the
            Northern  Liang period  睤 (397-439).(15)  The text
            tells of Prince Mahasattva's self-sacrifice to feed a
            starving tigress and her seven cubs. According to the
            text, the hermit  prince  one day found  the  animals
            under  a cliff  near  his  hermitage.  His compassion
            urged him to sacrifice  his own body to save them, so
            he lay down in front of them. But because the animals
            were too feeble to eat his living body, he decided to
            kill himself  to make it easier for them.  Therefore,
            he climbed up onto a cliff, pierced his throat with a
            bamboo  stalk, and threw  himself  headlong  into the
            ravine, as shown  in the  first  and  second  scenes.
            Devouring  his dead body, as seen in the third scene,
            the animals were saved from starvation. On hearing of
            this  disaster, the prince's  mother  and  wives  ran
            barefoot  from the palace  to the mountain  and cried
            over  his  corpse, as illustrated  in the fourth  and
            fifth scenes. Gathering his bones, they built a stupa
            by the mountain to commemorate  him, as described  in
            the last scene of the painting.

                Tightly  arranged, these seven scenes wind up and
            down  across  the picture  plane, starting  from  the
            upper  right corner  and ending  at the upper left of
            the square wall surface. Although each scene slightly
            overlaps  the  next  to create  a sense  of pictorial
            continuity, lack of spatial cohesion among the scenes
            makes the narrative sequence of this painting hard to
            follow.  Despite the fact that the artist provides  a
            certain picture space for the figures' actions,
            ----------------------
               tinuous  compositions,  with  only  two  or  three
               scenes juxtaposed in a lateral layout. For plates,
               see  Tonko  bunbutsu  kenkyujo  ed., Tonko  Bakuko
               kutsu (op.  cit.), vol.1, pls.  12-13;  vol.2, pl.
               11.

            15. For the Chinese text, see Liu Hsiu-ch'iao ed.,
                Ta-tsang-ching, (op.cit.), vol. 3, pp. 424-28.

                                   p. 251

            he fails to convey a sense of spatial  depth for each
            scene.  Therefore, these figures appear unrelated  to
            the  background;  their  dramatized  movements  often
            break through the seemingly arbitrary borderlines and
            float on the surface of the picture plane.

                Characterized  by its waviness, this Northern Wei
            compositional  formula  is also  found  in two  other
            variant  compositions, with their narrative  contents
            represented in a circular and in a zigzag layout. The
            circular  composition  is found in a Western Wei ﹁肣
            (534-  557)  painting,  The  Jataka  of  the  Brahman
            (P'o-lo-men pen-sheng 盋霉セネ, or Sacrificing Life
            to Hear the Buddhist  Law (She sheng wen chieh 彼ō籇
            訳 ), in Cave  285, dated  538-539  (pl.7).(16)  This
            subject  matter  and compositional  device were later
            adopted  by a Japanese  painting, as shown  on a door
            panel of the Tamamushi Shrine in Horyu-ji 猭订 Nara
            ー▆, datable to the seventh century.

                The zigzag composition is found in the Stories of
            the Filial Sons (Hsiao-tzu ku-shih hua-hsiang  У珿
            ㄆ礶钩 ) on both sides of a sarcophagus in the Nelson
            Gallery, Kansas  City, datable  to the later  half of
            the sixth century (pl.  8).(17) Because of the narrow
            space, each narrative  comprises  no more than  three
            stages, which are sequentially displayed on different
            ground levels to form a zigzag course.

            Achronological narration in a lateral layout

                In a composition with achronological narration in
            a lateral layout, the pictorial  sequence contradicts
            that of the text.  Such a composition  is exemplified
            by  The  Jataka   of  the  Deer  King  Ruru  (Lu-wang
            pen-sheng  忱セネ  ) in  Cave  257, datable  to the
            Northern   Wei  period   (pl.   9).   Based   on  the
            Liu-tu-chi-ching   せ栋竒   translated   by   K'ang
            Seng-hui  眃畸穦 of the Wu period   (229-280), this
            paint-
            ----------------------
            16. Recorded in Ta pan-nieh-p'an ching 疘簄竒,
                the story is about a Brahman sacrificing his life
                in order to hear the Buddhist law chanted by a
                deity that has taken the shape of a goblin. The
                sutra was translated by T'an Wu-ch'en 捐礚艪 of
                the Northern Liang 睤 period (397-439). For the
                Chinese text of the sutra, see Liu Hsiu-ch'iao ed.,
                Ta-tsang-ching (op.cit.), vol. 12, chuan 14, pp.
                449-51.

            17. The dating of this  sarcophagus  is  disputed  by
                scholars; for references, see Nagashiro Toshio
                約庇动 Rikucho jidai bijutsu no kenkyu せ绰
                砃荱╯ (The  representational  art of the Six
                Dynasties Period)  (Tokyo:  Bijutsu  shuppan-sha,
                1969); see  also  Wai-kam  Ho et al.  eds., Eight
                Dynarties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of
                the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City and
                The Cleveland Museum of Art (The Cleveland Museum
                of Art  in cooperation  with  Indiana  University
                Press, 1980), catalogue entry 4, pp. 5-6.

                                   p. 252                   

                ing represents the Deer King Ruru's betrayal by a
            man he once had rescued in an achronological sequence
            of six scenes within a single  frieze.(18)  The first
            and second scenes at the left end of the frieze  show
            the Deer King carrying the man on his back crossing a
            river, and  the  man  subsequently  kneeling  on  the
            ground  to thank  him.  But in the third  and  fourth
            scenes  at  the  right  end  of the  frieze, the  man
            reports  to the royal couple seated  in their palace,
            and leads the imperial  hunt to find the deer for its
            nine-colored skin and golden antlers. The fifth scene
            on the left side of the frieze  shows  the Deer King,
            unaware  of the  danger, lying  asleep  at its  usual
            place.  The concluding  scene is placed in the middle
            of  the  frieze,  and   represents   the  Deer   King
            explaining  the earlier  rescue  of the man.  Due  to
            these  events, the deer's  life  was  spared, and the
            traitor was punished.

                This achronological  layout clearly  demonstrates
            that the painter created a pictorial sequence for the
            narrative which contradicts the plot of the text.  He
            treats  the frieze  as a stage and organizes  the six
            scenes  into two categories, based on their  physical
            occurrence, that move inward from both ends and meets
            each other in the middle.  In other words, he is more
            concerned  with  the pictorial  arrangement  of these
            incidents  than with their temporal sequence in which
            they took place.
     
                This kind of achronological  composition  derives
            from Indian narrative  illustrations, as shown by the
            Syama Jataka (Shan-tzu pen-  sheng 捋セネ ), a wall
            painting  in Ajanta  Cave  10, datable  to the second
            century  (pl.10).  Recorded  in  the  Fo shuo  p'u-sa
            Shan-tzu   ching  ︱弧敌履捋竒,  the  Syama  Jataka
            recounts  how Syama regained  his life in reward  for
            his filial piety.(19) The young Syama, who lived with
            his blind parents in a mountain  hut, one day went to
            a brook to ladle out some water. While there, because
            he had worn a deer-skin  coat, he was mistaken  for a
            deer  and shot by the king, who just  happened  to be
            out hunting.  Upon discovering  what he had done, the
            king  contritely  led  the blind  parents  to Syama's
            corpse.  Touching  Syama's  dead  body, his  grieving
            mother  wailed, praying  to  Heaven: so moved  by her
            cries, the Heaven returned Syama to life.
            ---------------------------
            18. For the Chinese text of the sutra, see Liu Hsiu
                ch'iao ed.,  Ta-tsang-ching (op.cit.) vol.3, p.33.

            19. There are at least three versions of this narra-
                tive, see Liu Hsiu-ch'iao ed., Ta-tsang-ching (op.
                cit.) Vol.3, pp.436-43.

                                    p. 253

                On the Ajanta frieze, Syama's leave-taking of his
            old  parents  in their  hut is seen  at one  end, the
            king's departure  from his palace for hunting  at the
            other, and Syama's  death and revival  in the middle.
            This achronological narration had been adopted by the
            Northern  Wei artist, as shown  in The Jataka  of the
            Deer   King  Ruru  just   mentioned,  and  became   a
            compositional   convention  for  most  of  the  Syama
            Jatakas depicted in the Tun-huang  wall paintings, as
            seen in Caves  301 and 417 (respectively  datable  to
            the Northern  Chou  and the Sui periods)  (pl.11)(20)
            But this Indian compositional  formula  seems to have
            been abandoned at the end of the sixth century, since
            the  Syama  Jataka  in Cave  302, datable  to the Sui
            period, is represented in chronological  order, which
            reflects the Chinese influence (pl.12).(21)

            Chronological narration in a lateral Layout

                Most   favored   by  the   Chinese   artist,  the
            compositional structure of chronological narration in
            a  lateral   layout   makes   a  pictorial   sequence
            correspond  to the  temporal  progression  of a text.
            This compositional method was increasingly elaborated
            upon  in  the  Western  Wei  ﹁肣  period  (534-557),
            exemplified  by  The  Avadana  of  the  Five  Hundred
            Robbers ( Wu-pai tao-tsei kuei Fo yuan きκ祍搁耴︱絫
            , or Te-yen-lin  眔泊狶 ) in Cave 285, dated  538-539
            (pl.13). Based on the Ta pan-nieh-p'an-ching 疘簄
            竒  translated  by  T'an  Wu-  ch'en  捐礚艪  of  the
            Northern  Liang period, this painting  shows how five
            hundred  robbers were converted  to Buddhism.(22)  In
            this
            --------------------------------
            20. For the Ajanta wall painting, c.f. Takada Osamu,
                "Ajantn--hekiga no Bukkyo setsuwa to sono byosha
                keishiki ni tsuite 莬谴沁秋腔纠礶荱︱毙弧杠荗荄荱
                磞糶Α荝荎脐荕(Buddhist stories depicted in the
                Ajanta frescoes: their identified subjects and
                representation methods),"Bunka ゅて, vol.20, no.2
                (March 1956), pp. 61-95, esp., pp.75-76. For the
                plates of  the  Syama narratives in caves 301 and
                417, see  Tonko  bunbutsu  kenkyujo  ed.,  Tonko
                Bakukokutsu  op.  cit.),  vol.2,  pls.3, 33.  For
                references to the text and the representations of
                the  Syama  Jataka.  See  Ch'eng  Ichung  祘驾い,
                "Tun-huang   pen  hsiao-tzu   chuan  yu  Shan-tzu
                ku-shih 窗纷セУ肚籔捋珿ㄆ  (Lives of devoted
                sons  in Dunhuang  manuscripts  and the Story  of
                Shanzi), " and Higashiyama Gengoro, "Presentation
                Forms  of Jataka  Stories  as Examples," both are
                included  in  Tun-huang  Academy  comp.,  Summary
                Papers   of  the  International   Conference   on
                Dunhuangology (1990), pp. 209-10; pp.110-111.

            21. For the plate of this narrative, see Tonko bunbu-
                tsu kenkyujo ed.,  Tonko Bakukokutsu (op.cit.),
                vol.2, pl.9.
            22. For a Chinese translation, see Liu Hsiu-ch'iao
                ed., Ta-tsang-ching (op. cit.), vol.12, chuan 16,
                p.458.

                                  p. 254
                                                                      
            painting, the five  hundred  robbers  are reduced  to
            five   representatives   --each   standing   for  one
            hundred--which  reappear  in  seven  scenes  arranged
            consecutively  from  left  to right.  The  first  and
            second  scenes  show  two battles  in which  the five
            hundred robbers were quelled and captured by the army
            of King Po-ssu-ni  猧吹拔 of the Ch'iao-sa-lo  闢履霉
            state  in  ancient  India  In  the  third  scene, the
            robbers'  eyes are gouged  out, while  in the fourth,
            they  are  sent  into  exile  in  the  wilderness  as
            punishment.  The fifth scene depicts the Buddha, then
            preaching  in a distant  bamboo grove, hearing  their
            plaintive  cries;  the merciful savior, pitying them,
            sends an eye-healing  powder  on the wind.  The sixth
            scene  shows  that upon  regaining  their  sight, the
            grateful  robbers pay their homage to the Buddha, who
            then  reveals  to them that  their  misfortunes  were
            retribution  for the  accumulated  misdeeds  of their
            previous  lives.  Upon this  realization, the robbers
            convert to Buddhism and become arhats, as represented
            in the last scene.

                Most of these scenes are represented in landscape
            settings, especially  the last four, which are placed
            in four space cells, These space cells are formed  by
            tall  trees  and  saw-toothed  hillocks  in irregular
            groupings   on  uneven  baselines.   These  landscape
            settings  correspond  to the  inner  feelings  of the
            figures.  For  example,  in  the  fourth  scene,  the
            hillocks  are arrayed on a wavy baseline, an unstable
            configuration   that  seems   to  echo  the  robbers'
            unbearable pain. In the fifth scene, the hillocks are
            place on a slightly  curved  diagonal  baseline  that
            reflects the robbers' gradually stilled emotions. And
            in the sixth  and seventh  scenes, the  hillocks  are
            stably  placed  on  horizontal   baselines,  visually
            expressing  the arhats' newly realized peace of mind.
            This  treatment  reflects  the Western  Wei  artist's
            intention to represent  a correspondence  between man
            and nature--a  concern  that was likely  to have been
            informed  by  southern  Chinese  aesthetic   theories
            associated with the rise of Neo-Taoist philosophy.

            The Rise of Landscape Painting in Southern China

                The rise of "Nature Poetry (shan-shui shih 钢
            )" was influenced by Taoist "Naturalism (tzu-jan 礛
            ), "   originally   advocated   by   Lao-   tzu   and
            Chuang-tzu.(23) In pursuit of harmony between man and
            ----------------------
            23. For different translations of the term "tzu-jan,"
                see  Ellen  Johnson  Laing, "Neo-Taoism  and the
                'Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove' in Chinese
                painting." Aribus, Asiae 36 1/2 (1974), p.5.

                                   p. 255

            nature, Taoism  advocates  that  man purify  his mind
            (hsin-chai  み翹 ), emancipate  his spirit  from  the
            material  world  (hsiao-yao  wu wai 硃换  ), free
            himself  from social bondage (yu shih wu cheng 籔礚
             ), and model himself after nature (fa tzu-jan 猭
            礛 )--that which manifests  the great "Way (tao 笵 )"
            of the universe.(24)  Although  Taoism was one of the
            major  schools  of philosophy  prevalent  during  the
            Warring   States   period  (403-221   B.C.),  it  was
            surpassed  by Legalism and Confucianism  in the Ch'in
            and Han periods (221 B.C.-A.D. 220).

                But in the tumultuous  and  war-torn  years  that
            ensued, Confucianism  lost its prestige and political
            authority.  Legalism  rose  but quickly  fell  again,
            advocated by Ts'ao Ts'ao 变巨 (A.D.  155-220) and his
            successors  who  ruled  the  Wei  dynasty  (220-265).
            Buddhism dominated  Northern  China after the Western
            Chin (265-  316) had been forced  to move to south of
            the Yang-tzu  River by Liu Ts'ung 糂羙 and Shih Hu ホ
            . Taoism was revived, welcomed by common people and
            intellectuals alike. Commoners mixed it with Buddhism
            and  shamanism  to  create  a religious  cult  called
            "Tao-chiao    笵毙   (Taoism)."(25)    As   for   the
            intellectuals,   known   as   "Neo-Taoists,  "   they
            assimilated  the Lao-Chuang  philosophy  with that of
            the Book  of Change  to form  the "Three  Metaphysics
            (san- hsuan ト )," as their basic creed.

                Exemplified  by the famous  "Seven  Sages  of the
            Bamboo Grove (Chu-lin  ch'i-hsien  λ狶藉 )" of the
            Wei  and  Western   Chin   periods, (26)   Neo-Taoist
            intellectuals  lived  their  lives  according  to the
            principle  of  naturalism.  Most  of  them  discarded
            Confucian   classics  and  moral  teachings,  avoided
            political activity, and turned
            ----------------------
            24. For a general understanding of the philosophy of
                Lao-tzu and  Chuang-tzu, see feng Yu-lan  毒ね孽,
                Chung-kuo che-hsueh shih い瓣厩 (History of
                Chinese phiiosophy)
                (Hong Kong: T'ai-p'ing-yang t'u-shu kung-ssu,
                1959), chapter 8, 10, pp. 210-38, 277-306.
            25. The  first  patriarch of this cult is Chang Tao-
                ling 眎笵钞  (fl. A.D. 58-87). At the end of the
                second century, this cult was known as "Wu-tou-mi
                chiao きゆμ毙 (Five-pecks-of-rice cult), led by
                Chang Chiao 眎à (fl. late second-early third cen-
                tury); it enticed a great portion of Chinese with
                promises of an immortal world. For references, see
                Wang Chung-lo, Wei Chin Nan-pei-ch'ao shih ヲ汉
                肣玭绰 (History of the Wei, Chin and Southern
                and Northern Dynasties) (Shanghai: Shanghai jen-min
                mei-shu ch'u-pan-she, 1979), vol.2, p.785-799.

            26. The term was first found in Liu I-ching 糂竡紋 Shih-
                shuo hsin-yu 弧穝粂 (New Account of Tales of the
                World), (tr. by Richard B. Mather) (Minneapolis:
                University of Mennisota, 1976),chapter 23: "Jen-tan
                ヴ较 (The Free and Unrestrained)," pp.371-72).

                                     p. 256

            their backs on worldly  values.(27)  They engaged  in
            witty dialectic  conversations, known  as "pure  talk
            (ch'ing-t'an   睲酵   ), "  based   on   the   "Three
            Mataphysics, "(28)  and lived on special  diets, some
            of which  included  an arsenic  cowpound  called  the
            "Five-mineral-  powder  (Wu-shih-san  きホ床  ),"  to
            attain longevity. When taking this medicine, they had
            to drink cold liquor and take walking  excursions  in
            order   to  avoid  arsenic   poisoning.   Intoxicated
            enchantment with nature's beauty led to their writing
            poems on landscape, and thus they initiated the genre
            of "Nature Poetry."(29) The rise of this new literary
            genre  accelerated  at the beginning  of the Southern
            Dynasties (317-589): the Eastern Chin 狥 (317-420),
            Sung  Ш  (420-479),  Ch'i  霍  (479-502),  Liang  辩
            (502-557), and  Ch'en  朝  (557-589), which  all  had
            their capital at Chien-k'ang  眃 ( modern Nanking).
            In the south, Chinese intellectuals  found themselves
            deeply moved by the verdant and beautiful mountainous
            scenery, especially in Kuei-chi 穦絔 in Chekiang, and
            Mount  Lu 胒 in Kiangsi  ﹁;  and they frequently
            held outdoor literary gatherings that celebrated  the
            surroundings, as testified by Wang Hsi-chih's  开ぇ
            (321-379)  famous "Preface to the Gathering at Orchid
            Pavilion  (Lan-t'ing  chi-hsu  孽獸栋 ).(30)  Their
            view of nature
            ----------------------
            27. Cf. Etienne Balazs, "Nihilistic Revolt of Mystical
                Escapism, Currents  of Thoughts  in China  During
                the   Third   Century   A.D., "  in  his  Chinese
                Civilization  and  Bureaucracy.  Variations  on a
                Theme, tr.  by H.M., ed., by Arthur  Wright  (New
                Haven: Yale University, 1964), pp.226-54; Richard
                B.   Mather,  "Individualist   and  Wholism:  the
                Confucian and Taoist Philosophical  Perspective,"
                unpublished  paper, June 1980, and Ellen  Johnson
                Laing, "Neo-Taoism  and the 'Seven  Sages  of the
                Bamboo  Grove'  in Chinese  Painting," (op.cit.),
                pp.5-54.

            28. Cf. Ho Ch'i-min 币チ, Wei Chin ssu-hsiang yu
                t'an-feng  肣稱籔酵  (The thoughts  and the
                fashion of dialectic conversations of the Wei and
                Chin  periods)   (Taipei:  Hsueh-sheng   shu-chu,
                1976).
            29. Lu Hsun 緗ǔ, "Wei Tsin wen-chang yu yao ho chiu
                te    Kuan-hsi    肣ゅ彻籔媚㎝皊闽玒     (The
                relationship  of literary  creation to liquor and
                medi-  cine  in the Wei and Tsin periods)," in Lu
                Hsun ch 'uan-chi 緗ǔ栋 (The collected works of
                Lu Hsun) (Peking: Jen-min wen-hsueh ch'u-pan-she,
                1973), vol.3, pp. 486-501.

            30. Wang Hsi-chih's "Lan-t'ing chi hsu" was abbrevi-
                ated and retitled  as "Lin-ho hsu 羬猠 (Preface
                to [the gathering by] a river) by Liu I-ch'ing in
                his  Shih-shuo  hsin-yu  (op.cit.),  chapter  16:
                Ch'i-hsien  跜  (Admiration  and  Emulation), "
                pp.6b-  7a;   for  an  English  translation,  see
                Richard Mather, Shih-shuo  hsin-yu (op.cit.), pp.
                321-22. According to Frodsham, an earlier writing
                on the Orchid  Pavilion  before Wang Hsi-chih  is
                the   "Lan-t'ing   chi  孽獸癘  (On   the  Orchid
                Pavilion)"  by Yu Ch'en  県哪 (c.286-339)  around
                the  beginning   of  the  fourth   century;   see
                Frodsham, "The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry,"
                Asia Major, n.s.8 (1960-61), pp. 86-97.  For more
                discussions  about the problems of Lan-t'ing, see
                Kuo  Mo-jo  et al., Lan-t'ing  lun pien  孽獸阶臛
                (Argumentations and discourses on the problems of
                Lan-t'ing) (Peking: Wen-wu ch'u-pan-she, 1973).

                                     p. 257

            as  the  manifestation   of  Taoist,  Confucian,  and
            Buddhist  philoso-  phy, gave rise to the creation of
            many penta-syllabic poems (wu- yen-shih きē钢 ).(31)

                The flourishing  of "Nature Poetry"  began in the
            early Eastern  Chin and reached  its apex in the Sung
            period,  represented   by   Hsieh   Ling-yun   谅艶笲
            (385-433).  According to Liu Hsieh 糂糆 (ca. 465-522)
            in his "Exegesis of Poetry (Ming shih 钢 ):"

                At  the  beginning  of the  Sung  (420-479)  some
            development in the literary trend was evident. Chuang
            and Lao had receded into the background and the theme
            of   mountains    and   streams    then   began    to
            flourish.......(32)

            Шゅ碟砰Τ缠ρ癶τよ逮......

                Because  of the flourishing  of "Nature  Poetry,"
            landscape  eventually  came to provide  intellectuals
            with a metaphorical  language  to characterize  man's
            personalities.  For example, in an inscription on the
            portrait  of Wang I-fu ╦ (fl.  later half of the
            fourth century), Ku K'ai-chih  wrote: "High-towering,
            the unsullied  peak, standing like a cliff a thousand
            jen  high."(33) Awe for nature also influenced  the
            creation  of figure painting, landscape  painting, as
            well  as  related  art  theory.  In figure  settings,
            characters  began  to be represented  with  landscape
            paintings, which  is best  exemplified  by the  Seven
            Sages of the Bamboo Grove, a bas-relief  on bricks in
            a  tomb   near   Nanking   (datable   to  A.D.   484)
            (pl.14).(34) Nearly one
            --------------------------------
            31. Frodsham  defines  "Nature  Poetry"  as  "verse
                inspired  by a mystic  philosophy  which sees all
                natural  phoenomena  as symbols  charged  with  a
                mysterious and cathartic power;" see "The Origins
                of Chinese Nature Poetry," (op.cit.), pp.72-73.

            32. For an English translation, see Vincent Yu-chung
                Shih, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons
                by Liu Hsieh (New York: Columbia University, 1959)
                p.37. For the Chinese text, see Liu Hsieh, Wen-
                hsin tiao-lung, Ssu-pu pei-yao 场称璶 edition,
                chuan  2, p.3a.  Echoing  Liu's  statement, Chung
                Hung 灵蜡 (d. 518?) mentions similar ideas in his
                Shih-p'in   钢珇  (Classifications   of  poetry),
                Ssu-pu  pei-yao  edition,  ch.I,  p.1b.   For  an
                English  translation, see Frodsham, "The  Origins
                of Chinese Nature Poetry," (op.cit.), pp. 68-69.

            33. For an English translation, see Richard Mather tr.
                Shih-shuo hsin-yu (op.  cit.), p.223, no.37;  for
                the  Chinese  text, see Liu  Hsiao-piao's  糂У夹
                annotation       to      Shih-shuo       hsin-yu,
                Ssu-pu-ts'ung-k'an  场翺 edition, chapter  8:
                "Shang-yu  洁臕 (Appreciation  and Praise)," part
                2, p.2b.  Similar interesting  examples are found
                in Liu  I-ch'ing, Shih-shuo  hsin-yu, chapter  1:
                "Te-hsing  紈︽ (Virtuous  Conduct);"  chapter 2:
                "Yen-yu ē粂 (Speech and Conversation);"  chapter
                8: "Shang-yu"  and  chapter  14: "Jung-chih  甧ゎ
                (Appearance and Behavior)."

            34. For a reference to the Seven Sages of the Bamboo
                Grove, see Ellen Laing (op.cit.).

                                   p. 258

            hundred paintings  of Taoist, Confucian, and Buddhist
            themes executed in this period consisted of landscape
            components.(35)  It is also during  this period  that
            the three  important  essays  on landscape  paintings
            appeared  for the first  time in Chinese  history: Ku
            Kai-chih's   "Account   on   Painting   Cloud-terrace
            Mountain"  (Hua-yun-t'ai-shan  chi  礶冻癘  ),"
            Tsung  Ping's  ﹙ (375-443)  "Preface  to  Painting
            Landscapes  (Hua shan-shui  hsu 礶 )," and Wang
            Wei's 稬 (415-443)  "Preface to Paintings  (Hsu hua
            痹礶 ).(36) Although  landscape  might still serve as
            the  setting  for narative  paintings, it took  on an
            added degree of compositional  complexity as recorded
            in Ku K'ai-chih's  "Account on Painting Cloud-terrace
            Mountain."(37)
            --------------------------------
            35. For the reference, see Chang Yen-yuan 眎环, Li
                tai ming-hua  chi 菌礶癘, I-shu  ts'ung-pien,
                vol.8 (Taipei: Shih-chieh  shu-chu, 1962), pt.58,
                chuan   4-8,  pp.   155-266.   For   the  English
                translation, see William R.B. Acker, "A Record of
                the Famous Painters of All the Dynasties," in his
                Some  T'ang  and  Pre-T'ang   Texts   on  Chinese
                Painting  (Leiden: E.J.  Brill, 1954).  See  also
                Michael  Sullivan, The Birth of Chinese Landscape
                Painting (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of
                California Press, 1962), pp.114-27.

            36. For  references  to  the  study  of  these  three
                painting  theories.  see Hsu Fu-kuan,  Chung-kuo
                i-shu ching-shen  (The essence  of Chinese  arts)
                (Taipei: Hsueh-sheng   shu-chu, 1967), chapter 4,
                pp.225-249;  Susan Bush, "Tsung  Ping's  Essay on
                Painting Landscape  and the 'Landscape  Buddhism'
                of Mount Lu," in Susan  Bush and Christian  Murck
                eds., Theories  of the Arts in China  (Princeton.
                New  Jersey: Princeton  University  Press, 1981),
                pp.132-64; see also footnote 37 for references to
                Ku K'ai-chih's "Account on Painting Cloud-terrace
                Mountain."  For the meaning  of landscape  art in
                early  stage, see  Lothar  Ledderose,  "Religious
                Elements  in Landscape  Art," in Susan  Bush  and
                Christian  Murck  eds., Theories  of the Arts  in
                China, (op.cit.), pp.165-83.

            37. For the Chinese text of the "Account," see  Chang
                Yen-yuan, Li-tai  ming-hua  chi (op.cit.), chuan
                5,  pp.189-192.  For  more  discussion  of this
                "Account, "  see  Ma  Ts'ai, "Ku  K'ai-chih  'Hua
                Yun-t'ai-shan  chi' chiao shih 臮穇ぇ礶冻癘
                睦 (Collation  and annotation  to the 'Account of
                Painting   the   Yun-t'ai    Mountain'    by   Ku
                K'ai-chih)," Chung-shan ta-hsueh-pao い厩厩厨
                3 (1979), pp.  105-112; Li Lin- ts'an 繫篱, "Ka
                K'ai-chih  ch'i jen ch'i shih ch'i hua 臮穇ぇㄤ
                ㄤㄆㄤ礶 (Ku K'ai-  chih's personality, anecdotes
                and  paintings),  "  Ku-kung  chi-k'an  珿甤﹗,
                vol.7, no.  3  (Spring  1973), pp.  1-29;  Johnny
                Shek, "A Study  of Ku K'ai-chih's  'Hua Yun-t'ai-
                shan  chi'," Oriental  Art, vol.18, no.1  (1972),
                pp.  381-84;  Sheng I-cheng, "Ku K'ai-  chih 'hua
                Yun-t'ai-shan  chi i wen chih yen-chiu 臮穇ぇ礶冻
                癘ゅぇ╯   (A  study  of  Ku  K'ai-chih's
                'Account  on  Painting  the  Yun-t'ai  Mountain,"
                Tung-hsi  wen-hua  狥﹁ゅて (January)  1968), pp.
                15-21; Nakamura Shigeo いぃч, Chugoku garon no
                tenkai--Shin To So Gen hen い瓣礶阶荱甶秨 -- 
                Шじ絞  (The  development   of  Chinese  painting
                criticism  from  the Chin  to the  Yuan  periods)
                (Kyoto: Nakamura  Bunkado, 1965), pp.  3-23;  Wen
                Chao-t'ung    放籉,    "Ku    K'ai-chih    'hua
                Yun-t'ai-shan  chi' shih lun 臮穇ぇ礶冻癘刚阶
                (A discussion  on the  'Account  on Painting  the
                Yun-t'ai   Mountain'    by   Ku   K'ai-chih),   "
                Wen-shih-che ゅ 4 (1962), pp. 47-49; Yonezawa
                Yoshio μ緼古瓻, "Ko Gaishi 'Ga Untaishan ki 臮穇
                ぇ  "  礶冻  (Ku  K'ai-  chih's  'Account  on
                Painting the Yun-t'ai Mountain')," in his Chugoku
                kaiga

                                     p. 259

                The southern pictorial  device, characterized  by
            using landscape setting for narrative  paintings  was
            later  adopted  by  northern   Chinese   artists   in
            depiction  of Confucian  stories  of filial  sons, as
            seen on Teng-hsien  綡郡 stamped  bricks (datable  to
            ca.500); some sarcophagi excavated from Honan(38) and
            The Avadana  of the Five  Hundred  Robbers  described
            above (pl.13).  Another  important  gift the Southern
            Chinese artists bequeathed to their western Tun-huang
            neighbours was the use of space cells.

            The use of space-cells

                The early known examples of space cells are found
            in three jataka scenes  on a stone stele dated 425 at
            Wan-fo-ssu  窾︱  in  Ch'eng-   tu  Θ常,  Szechwan
            (pl.15).(39) As seen in the three jataka scenes, each
            space-cell  is formed  by trees  and mountains, or by
            figures arranged in circles.  It is possible that the
            space-cell   device  was  introduced   directly  from
            Szechwan to Tun-huang, by means of a route still used
            in   the   T'ang   period.(40)    According   to   my
            observations,  Tun-huang  artists  manipulated  three
            types   of  spatial   representation   by  using  the
            space-cells device, aiming to create enough space for
            their  increasingly  elaborate  narrative  scenes: 1)
            serial  space-cells  (Lien-ch'uan-shih  硈伴Α );  2)
            hemispherical space-cells
            --------------------------------
            shi kenkyu--sansui ga ron い瓣酶礶╯ -- 礶阶
            (A historical study of Chinese paintings and lands-
            capes) (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1962), pp. 39-84.

            38. On Teng-hsien archaeological finds, see Annette
                L.Juliano, Teng-hsien: An Important Six Dynasties
                Tomb (Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus  Asiae, 1980).
                For references  to the Six Dynasties  sarcophagi,
                see Nagahiro  Toshio, "Rikucho no setsuwa zu せ绰
                荱弧杠瓜 (Scenes  of traditional  legends  in the
                Six  Dynasties  period)," in  his  Rikucho  jidai
                bijutsu no kenkyu (op.cit.), pp. 175-84.

            39. The  temple  was  first  built in the mid-second
                century,  and  was  burnt  down  in  the  seventh
                century.  The dates  of the archaeological  finds
                from Wan-fo-ssu  range  from 427 to 847.  For the
                history of the temple, see Liu Chih-yuan  糂璓环,
                and   Liu   T'ing-pi   糂纠,  eds.,   Ch'eng-tu
                Wan-fo-ssu shih-k'o i-shu Θ常窾︱ホㄨ美砃 (The
                art  of the  stone  engraving  of the  Wan-fo-ssu
                temple at Ch'eng-tu)  (Peking: Chung-kuo  ku-tien
                i-shu  ch'u-pan-she, 1958),  pp.  1-7;  for  more
                references  to the  stele, see  Alexander  Soper,
                "South Chinese Influence  on Buddhist  Art of the
                Six Dynasties  Period," Bulletin of the Museum of
                Far  Eastern   Antiquities,  vol.32  (1960),  pp.
                47-111.


            40. Ch'en Tso-lung 朝纒, "Chung-shih Tun-huang yu
                Ch'eng-tu chih chien te chiao-  t'ung lu hsien い
                窗纷籔Θ常ぇ丁ユ硄隔絬     (The    ways    of
                communication  between Tun-huang and Ch'eng-tu in
                middle age China)," in Tun-huang hsueh-hui 窗纷厩
                穦 ed., Tun-huang  hsueh  窗纷厩  (The  Tun-huang
                studies)   (Hong  Kong:  Hsin-ya  yen-   chiu-suo
                Tun-huang hsueh-hui, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 79-86.

                                     p. 260
                                                                                                                              p. 261
            (Pan-lien-ch'uan-shih 硈伴Α); and 3) segmented
             vestigial space-cells (Ts'an-ch'uan-shih 摧伴Α).

            Serial space-cells

                Serial space-cells  are formed by many individual
            space   cells   linked   by   either   landscape   or
            architectural elements on a lateral expanse. The best
            example  of  this  device  is The  Jataka  of  Prince
            Mahasattva  in Cave  428 of the  Northern  Chou  ㏄
            period (557-581)  (pl.16).  This painting is based on
            the P'u-sa pen-sheng  man-lun 敌履セネ謦阶,(41) which
            is slightly  different  from the Fo shuo p'u-sa  t'ou
            sheng  i o hu ch'i t'a yin-yuan  ching translated  by
            Fa-sheng mentioned above.(42) While the story as told
            in these  two editions  is essentially  the same, the
            prince's  biographical   background   in  the  P'u-sa
            pen-sheng man-lun is much more complicated. According
            to this text, the prince was the youngest son of King
            Ta-chu ó. One day while hunting with his two older
            brothers,  he   encountered   the   hungry   animals;
            intending  to feed  them with his body, he asked  his
            brothers  to leave  him alone  for a nap.  After  his
            brothers  had  left, he  sacrificed  himself  to  the
            animals  in the manner recorded  in Fa-sheng's  text.
            When   the   brothers   returned   to  discover   his
            immolation, they gathered Mahasattva's  bones and put
            them into a stupa before returning to report the news
            to their father.


                The painting consists of twelve consecutive space
            cells arrayed on three tiers of a lateral frieze. The
            top tier consists  of four opening  scenes (SS: 1-4):
            moving  from right  to left, there  appear  the three
            princes reporting  their hunting plan to their father
            in the palace  and their  hunt in the mountains.  The
            middle tier consists of five scenes (SS: 5-9) arrayed
            sequentially  from  left to right.  There  we see the
            three  princes  sighting  the  starving  tigers  in a
            valley, the  two older  brothers  leaving  Mahasattva
            behind  in  feigned  sleep,  and  Mahasattva  killing
            himself in three continuous  stages: on the edge of a
            cliff  piercing  his  throat  with  a  bamboo  stalk,
            jumping  headlong  into the valley, and lying flat on
            the  ground  before  the  animals.  The  bottom  tier
            includes  three scenes (10-12) arrayed  from right to
            left. These depict the two brothers wailing
            ------------------------------
            41. The text was translated by Shao-hui 残紌 of the
                Liu-Sung 糂Ш period (420-479), see Liu Hsiu-
                ch'iao ed., Ta-tsang-ching (op.cit.), vol.3, pp.
                332-33.
            42. For the reference to the text of this sutra, see
                footnote 15.

                                    p. 261

            over Mahasattva's  bare bones, storing the bones in a
            stupa,  rushing   home   on  galloping   horses,  and
            reporting the sad news to their father.

                A serial  space-cells  composition  like this one
            was   of   limited   value   in  representing   three
            dimensional space. Because the space cells, formed by
            triangular  hillocks  along a circular baseline, tilt
            up  into  the  picture   plane  without  showing  any
            recession; they define boundaries but do not convey a
            sense  of  pictorial  space.  Groping  for  a  better
            technique  to  represent  spatial  illusion, Northern
            Chou artists turned to hemispherical space-cells as a
            second device.

            Hemispherical space-cells

                Hemispherical   space-cells   result   from   the
            elimination  of the upper part of serial space-cells.
            Such a device  is represented  in the Avadana  of the
            Five Hundred  Robbers  in Cave 296 (pl.17).  Based on
            the  text  already  summarized  above,  the  painting
            includes eight scenes that develop form right to left
            behind   a  low  mountain   range  along  the  bottom
            register.   Separated   by   trees,   hillocks,   and
            architecture, these  scenes  consecutively  show King
            P'o-ssu-ni  announcing  to six officials his decision
            to wage a war against  the five hundred  robbers;  he
            and his army going to the battle;  the heated  battle
            between   the  king's  army  and  the  robbers;   the
            captivity of the defeated robbers;  the robbers' gory
            punishment;   their  exile   from  the  city;   their
            transformation  into lohans  in front  of the Buddha;
            and finally their meditation on a mountain.

                In  terms  of spatial  representation, this  Five
            Hundred Rcbbers creates  a more successful  illussion
            of  open  space.  Small  figures  are  shown  amid  a
            spacious  natural  environment,  in  which  depth  is
            created  by the contrast  between large hillocks  and
            tall trees  in the foreground  and small  mounds  and
            short plants in the distance.(43)

            -------------------------------
            43. An identical spatial representation is found in
                the  Jataka  of Syama  and in another  Jataka  of
                Prince  Mahasattva, both  in Cave 302 of the same
                period;  for plates, see Tonko Bunbutsu  Kenkyujo
                ed., Tonko  Bakukokutsu  (op.cit.), vol.  2, pls.
                9-10.  A similar spatial representational formula
                is also  seen  in the  Ku  K'ai-chih  attributed,
                Goddess   of  the  Lo  river,  which   has  three
                versions, respectively in the Liaoning Provincial
                Museum, The Palace  Museum, Peking, and The Freer
                Gallery, Washington  D.C.  According to my study,
                those   three   scrolls    are   twelfth-to-thir-
                teenth-century  copies of an original composition
                datable   to  the  late  sixth  century.   For  a
                reference  to  a  detailed  discussion   of  this
                problem, see my Ph.D.  dissertation  mentioned in
                the introductory remarks.

                                    p. 262

                Nevertheless, such hemispherical  space-cells did
            not satisfy early seventh-century artists, who went a
            step  farther   to  create  the  third  type  of  the
            space-cell design-segmented vestigial space-cells.

            Segmented vestigial space-cells

                Segmented   vestigial  space-cells   result  from
            further abbreviation  of a hemispherical  space-cell.
            This   spatial   device   is   discernible   in   the
            Illustration  of the Sutra  of Cause and Effect  Past
            and Present (Kuo-ch'u hsien-tsai yin-kuo-ching 筁瞷
            狦竒  Japanese:  Kakko  genzai  inga-   kyo),  an
            eighth-century  Japanese  copy  of  a seventh-century
            Chinese composition, now in the Nara National  Museum
            (pl.  18).  This narrative describes five episodes of
            Prince Siddhartha's  life preceding his conversion to
            Buddhism.  The corresponding  text  is written  below
            each episode.(44)  These five episodes  take place in
            landscape  settings  that develop from right to left.
            The  first  episode, the right  section  of which  is
            missing, shows  the prince  encountering  a monk in a
            garden.  The second  episode  represents  the  prince
            meeting  a second  monk  on one  of his outings.  The
            third episode depicts the prince, sitting  in his own
            garden, regarding  a third monk.  The fourth  episode
            represents   the  prince   entertained   by  a  dance
            performance, by which his father intends to cheer him
            up.  The last episode  shows the prince  telling  his
            father of his wish to become a monk.

                The  pictorial  continuity   of  this  scroll  is
            enhanced  by repetitive  diagonals  of earthen slopes
            that border each scene.  Usually two diagonal  slopes
            parallel  each other, leaving a wide opening  for the
            figures'  action  in between.  The ground  plane  the
            figures  stand on is defined  by patches  of grass in
            front and sparse trees behind.  Suggestive of distant
            borders,    these    trees     are    arranged     in
            semicircles-vestiges   of  individual   space  cells.
            Within each scene, spatial depth is suggested  by the
            diagonal  arrangement  of  figures, as  seen  in  the
            arrangement   of  the  musicians   and   the   king's
            attendants in the last two scenes.

                To  summarize   and   clarify   the   three-stage
            development  of space-cell  representation, I  refer
            readers to the diagram.

            -----------------------------
            44. The sutra was translated into Chinese by Gunab-
                 hadra ―ê禰霉 (394-468). For the Chinese text,
                 see Liu Hsiu-ch'iao ed., Ta-tsang-ching (op.cit.),
                 vol.3, pp. 620-653.

                                   p. 263

                                   Summary

                As  we  have  seen,  the  evolution   of  Chinese
            narrative  painting  from  Han to the  Six  Dynasties
            period is characterized  by an increasing tendency to
            elaborate  narrative  details  and clarify  time  and
            space in continuous  compositions.  This tendency, in
            my view, was affected  by two important  factors: the
            importation of Buddhist narrative art and the rise of
            Neo-Taoist  Philosophy.  The entrance and circulation
            of  Indian  and  Central  Asian  Buddhist   narrative
            painting  aroused an enormous  response  from Chinese
            artists of the Six Dynasties period.  As reflected in
            Tun-huang wall paintings, Chinese artists assimilated
            this  alien  art both  selectively  and eclectically.
            Although  in the beginning  of the fifth centuIy they
            open-mindedly  adopted  the themes, compositions, and
            iconography  of non-Chinese  Buddhist art, as seen in
            The  Jataka  of  the  Deer  King  Ruru  (pl.10), they
            gradually  transformed  these exotic representational
            idioms  into  a  Chinese   pictorial   language,  and
            eventually created a syncretic Sino-Buddhist style.

                In   the   process   of   Sinicization,  Buddhist
            narrative  themes  were narrowed  down  to center  on
            those   of   filial   piety   and   mercifulness,  in
            correspondence with the Confucian values of "hsiao У
            "  and  "jen  く."(45)  Buddhist   deities  are  seen
            coexisting with Taoist immortals

            ---------------------------------
            45. For  example,  the  Confucian  concept of "filial
                piety" was increasingly advocated in Buddhist
                teachings.  This  is  reflected  in the  frequent
                appearance  of the  Shan-tzu  pen-sheng  捋セネ
                (Syama Jataka)  in Tun-huang  wall paintings, and
                the spread of the Mu-lien chiu mu pien-wen ヘ浆毕
                ダ跑ゅ (Transformed prose on the story of Mu-lien
                rescuing  is mother  from hell) tales  elaborated
                from the sutra of Fo shuo yu-lan-p'en  ching ︱弧
                孽竒  translated  by Chu Fa-hu  猭臔 of the
                Western  Chin  ﹁  period  (265-316).  For  the
                Chinese  text of the sutra, see Liu Hsiu- ch'iao
                ed., Ta-tsang-ching (op. cit.), chuan 16, p. 779.
                For  the  Chinese  text  of the  prose, see  Wang
                Chung-min  チ,  Tun-huang  pien-wen  窗纷跑ゅ
                (Transformed  prose found at Tun-huang)  (Taipei:
                Shih-chieh shu-chu, 1961), vol.  2, pp. 701- 760;
                for an English  translation, see Victor H.  Mair,
                "Maudgalyayana     (Transformation     Text    on
                Mahamaudgalyayana  Rescuing  His Mother  from the
                Underworld)," in his Tun-huang Popular Narratives
                (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp.
                88-172. Ch'en Yin-k'o 朝盙 also points out that
                some   Minayana   sutras   were   concerned,  and
                remoulded  to fit Chinese  ethics and values when
                they were translated  from Sanskrit into Chinese;
                see  Ch'en  Yin-k'o, "Lien-hua-se-ni  ch'u-chia
                yin-yuan-p'in  pa 浆︹ェ產絫珇禰 (Postcript
                to the 'Cause  of the conversion  of the Buddhist
                nun  nicknamed  Lotus-color')," in Ch'en  Yin-k'o
                hsien-sheng  lun-wen  chi  朝盙ネ阶ゅ栋  (The
                collected   essays  of  Ch'en  Yin-k'o)  (Taipei:
                San-jen-hsing    ch'u-pan-she,    1974),   vol.2,
                pp.719-24.  For the concept  of filial  piety  in
                this period, see also Lin Lichen 狶腞痷, "Lun Wei
                Chin  te  hsiao-tao   ssu-hsiang   yu  cheng-chih
                che-hsueh tsung-chiao  le kuan-hsi 阶肣У笵
                稱籔現獀 厩 ﹙毙闽玒 (On the relationship
                between  the concept  of filial piety and that of
                politics, phi-

                                    p. 264

            within  one scene, as found  in the paintings  on the
            ceilings  of  Tun-huang  Caves  249  and  285.(46)
            Ultimately, all iconographical  details  and settings
            of  Buddhist  narratives  were  divorced  from  their
            foreign  origins;  figures  came  to  be  dressed  in
            Chinese    costumes    and   shown   within   Chinese
            architectural and landscape settings.  The increasing
            use  of landscape  settings  for  Buddhist  narrative
            themes might be seen as a pictorial reflection of the
            Sinicization of Buddhism.(47)

                Stimulated  by  Neo-Taoist  philosophy, landscape
            representation underwent important changes during the
            Six  Dynasties  period.  Renewed  interest  in Taoist
            concepts  of nature altered man's vision of the world
            in which he lived.  A new theme, that of figures in a
            landscape,  became  popular.   As  analysis   of  the
            Buddhist  narrative  paintings  at  Tun-huang  shows,
            artists' began to devote much attention  to landscape
            settings    and   the   problems    of   representing
            illusionistic recession and continuous compositions.

                The elaborative use of continuous composition for
            a narrative  painting  had  its  functional  purpose.
            Buddhist  narrative  paintings, losophy, and religion
            in the Wei and Chin periods), unpublished  paper  for
            the International  Conference  on Imperial  Rulership
            and Cultural Change in Traditional China ( い瓣
            参獀籔ゅて跑綞 ), Taipei, 1992.

            ----------------------
            46. Scholars have disparate interpretations for the
                iconography  of  the deities shown in these two
                caves. Chinese scholars, including Ho Shih-che 禤
                 and Tuan  Wen-chieh  琿ゅ狽 take  them  as a
                mixture  of  Buddhist  and  Taoist  deities;  for
                reference, see Ho Shih-che, "Mo-kao-k 'u 249 k 'u
                ting hsi-pi pi-hua nei-jung k 'ao-shih 馋蔼竇 249
                竇郴﹁纠纠礶ず甧σ睦  (An investigation  into the
                content of the painting on the west ceiling slope
                of Tun-huang Cave 249)," Tun-huang hsueh chi-k'an
                窗纷厩胯 (1980-83), vol.3, pp.  28-32; see also
                his article, "Kuan yu 285 k'u chih Pao-ying-sheng
                p'u-sa yu Pao-chi-hsiang p'u-sa 闽玒 285 竇ぇ腳莱
                羘敌履籔腳不敌履  (Regarding  the  Bodhisattvas
                Pao-ying-sheng  and  Pao-chi-hsiang  in Tun-huang
                Cave 285)," Tun-huang  yen-chiu  窗纷╯ (1985),
                vol. 3, pp.  37-40; and Tun Wen-chieh.  "Lueh lun
                Mo-kao-k'u  ti 249 k'u Pi-hua nei-jung  han i-shu
                菠阶馋蔼竇材  249  竇纠礶ず甧㎝美   砃  (A  brief
                discussion  on the  art and  the  content  of the
                painting  in  Tun-huang  Cave  249), "  Tun-huang
                yen-chiu   (1983),   vol.   1,  pp.1-9.   Western
                scholars, including Judy C.W.  Ho and Susan Bush,
                regard  some of those scenes as illustrations  to
                the Vimalakirtinirdesa  sutra (Wei-mo-chieh ching
                蝴集缸竒  );  for references, see Judy  C.W.  Ho,
                "Dun-huang  Cave  249: A  Representation  of  the
                Vimalakirtinirdesa,  "    Ph.D.    thesis,   Yale
                University, 1985;  and Susan  Bush, "Problems  of
                Iconography  and  the Ceiling  of Dun-huang  Cave
                249, "  Summary   Papers   of  the  International
                Conference on Dunhuangology (op.cit.), pp.16-7.

            47. For a detailed discussion of the Sinicization of
                Buddhism,   see   Kenneth   Ch'en,  The   Chinese
                Transformation   of   Buddhism   (Princeton,  New
                Jersey:  Princeton   University   Press,   1973),
                especially pp.  1-50; see also D.Holzman, "Filial
                Piety  in Ancient  and Early Medieval  China: Its
                Perennity  and Its Importance  in the Cult of the
                Emperor," unpublished paper for the conference on
                "The  Nature  of State  and  Society  in Medieval
                China," Stanford, August 16-18, 1980.

                                    p. 265

            like scriptures, are didactic religious vehicles that
            convey  Buddhist  values;  they teach  moral behavior
            through the pictorial description  of virtuous deeds.
            Therefore,   whatever   contributes    a   compelling
            narrative,  with  an  articulate  representation   of
            spatial continuity  and temporal progression, will be
            selected   and  developed.   Such   a  painting   was
            apparently  more easily read by common pilgrims, most
            of   them   illiterate,  than   was   a  simultaneous
            composition  which  lacks  a  traceable  plot,  or  a
            monoscenic composition in which the narrative was cut
            up in pieces.  This is one reason for the adoption of
            a continuous composition  for Buddhist narratives, at
            least whenever the wall space permitted.

       1. 祇Α篶瓜               simultaneous composition
          禷               (Ching K'o Assossinating the King of Ch'in)
                                   (pl. 1)
       2. 虫春Α篶瓜               monoscenic composition
          翬産                   (The Banquet at Hung-men) (pl. 2)
       3. 硈尿Α篶瓜               continuous composition
          炳               (Two Peaches Killing Three Warriors) (pl. 3)
          ㎝狶焊簙褂纠礶︽瓜   (Processions of a Han Official at Ho-lin-ko-
                                    erh) (pl. 4)
       4. 钵春Α篶瓜           different actions sharing a common
                                   background
          楞セネ               (The Jataka of King Sibi, Tun-huang Cave
                                   254, 386-534) (pl. 5)
       5. ㄌ丁抖ΡчΑ篶瓜   chronological narration in a serpentine
                                   layout
          集禙履卅びセネ         (The Jataka of Prince Mahasattva, Tun-
                                   huang Cave 254, 386-534) (pl. 6)
          盋霉セネ               (The Jataka of the Brahman, Tun-huang
                                   Cave 254, 538-539) (pl. 7)
          У珿ㄆ礶钩             (Stories of the Filial Sons, 6th C.) (pl. 8)
       6. ぃㄌ丁抖绢Α篶瓜 achronological narration in a lateral
                                   layout
          忱セネ                 (The Jataka of the Deer King Ruru, Tun-
                                   huang Cave 257, 386-534) (pl. 9)
          捋セネ                 (Syama Jataka, Ajanta Cave 10, A.D. 2nd
                                   c.) (pl. 10)
       7. ㄌ丁抖绢Α篶瓜   chronological narration in a lateral
                                   layout

                                   p. 266

           きκ祍搁耴︱絫   (The Avadana of the Five Hundred Robbers,
                            Tun-huang Cave 285, 538-539) (pl.13)
       8.  λ狶藉         (The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove) (pl.
                            14)
       9.  Θ常窾︱ホㄨ   Three Jataka scenes at Wan-fo-ssu (pl.
                            15)
       10. 伴瞅Α丁       space-cell
       11. 硈伴Α           serial space-cells
           集禙履卅びセネ (The Jataka of Prince Mahasattva, Tun-
                            huang Cave 428, 557-581) (pl.16)
       12. 硈伴Α         hemispherical space-cells
           きκ祍搁耴︱絫   (The Avadana of the Five Hundred Robbers,
                            Tun-huang Cave 296, 557-581) (pl. 17)
       13. 摧伴Α           segmented vestigial space-cells
          筁瞷狦竒   (Illustration of the Sutra of Cause and Effect
                           Past and Present, Nara National Museum,
                           an 8th c. copy of a 7th c. composition)
                           (pl. 18)

                                 p. 267

    Plate 1. Ching K'o Assassinating the King of Ch'in, A.D. 151, rubbing,
    stone engraving, the Wu Liang Shrine, Shantung

    Plate 2. The Banquet at Hung-men, ca. 48-7 B.C., drawing, painting
    on wood, Tomb No. 61, Lo-yang, Honan

    Plate 3. Two Peaches Killing Three Warriors, ca. 48-7 B.C., drawing,
    painting on wood, Tomb No.61, Lo-yang, Honan

    Plate 4. Processions of a Han Offcial, ca. A.D. 160s-170s, drawing,
    wall painting, Ho-lin-ko-erh

    Plate 5. The Jataka of King Sibi, Northern Wei period (386-534),
    drawing, wall painting, Cave 254, Tun-huang

    Plate 6. The Jataka of Prince Mahasattva, Northern Wei period
    (386-534), drawing, wall painting, Cave 254, Tun-huang

    Plate 7. The Jataka of the Brahman, A.D. 538-539, drawing, wall
    painting, Cave 285, Tun-huang

    Plate 8. Stories of the Filial Sons, section, ca. later half of the 6th cen-
    tury, rubbing, stone engraving, sarcophagus, Nelson Gallery-
    Atkins Museum, Kansas City, U.S.A.

    Plate 9. The Jataka of the Deer King Ruru, Northern Wei period
    (386-534), drawing, wall painting, Cave 257, Tun-huang

    Plate 10. Syama Jataka, A.D. 2nd century, drawing, wall painting,
    Cave 10, Ajanta

    Plate 11. Syama Jataka, Northern Chou period (557-581), draw-
    ing, wall painting, Cave 301, Tun-huang

    Plate 12. Syama Jataka, Sui Period (581-618), drawing, wall paint-
    ing, Cave 302, Tun-huang

    Plate 13. The Avadana of the Five Hundred Robbers, A.D. 538-539,
    drawing, wall painting, Cave 285, Tun-huang

    Plate 14. The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, section, ca. A.D. 480s,

                                 p. 268

    rubbing, bas-relief on bricks, Hsi-shan-ch'iao, Nanking

    Plate 15. Three Jataka scenes, A.D. 425, rubbing, stone engraving,
    Wan-fo-ssu, Ch'eng-tu, Szechwan

    Plate 16. The Jataka of Prince Mahasattva, Northern Chou period
    (557-581), drawing, wall painting, Cave 428, Tun-huang

    Plate 17. The Avadana of the Five Hundred Robbers, Northern Chou
    period (557-581), drawing, wall painting, Cave 296, Tun-huang

    Plate 18. Illustration of the Sutra of Cause and Effect Past and Present,
    section, an 8th century copy of a 7th century composition, draw-
    ing, handscroll, Nara National Museum, Nara, Japan

    Chen 1.
    (Serial space-cells, The Jataka of Prince Mahasattva, Tun-huang
    Cave 428, ca. 557-581)

    Chen 2.
    (Hemispherical space-cells, The Avadana of the Five Hundred Rob-
    bers, Tun-huang Cave 296, ca. 557-581)

    Chen 3.
    (Segmented vestigial space-cells, The Illustration of the Sutra of Cause
    and Effect Past and Present, Nara National Museum, an 8th-century
    copy of an early 7th-century composition)

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